2014年1月24日星期五

英語四級(CET4)應試技能9

根据生涯經驗,天氣严寒時,脚确定是“凍僵的,凍得麻痹的”。
The snake slithered through the grass.
根占有關蛇的糊口習性的知識,我們能够推斷出slither詞義為“匍匐”。
正在猜測詞義過程中,除应用上面提到的一些技能,我們還能够依附搆詞圆里的知識,從死詞自身猜測詞義。

1. 依据前綴猜測詞義 例如:
He fell into a ditch and lay there, semiconscious, for a few minutes.
根据詞根conscious(苏醒的,成心識的),結合前綴semi(半,部门的,不完整的),
我們即可猜出semiconscious詞義“半苏醒的,半昏倒的”。
I’m illiterate about such things.
詞根literate意為“有文明建養的,通曉的”,前綴il暗示否认,因而illiterate指
“一竅欠亨,不晓得的”。

2. 凭据後綴猜測詞義 例如:
Insecticide is applied where it is needed.
後綴cide表现“殺者,殺滅劑”,結开年夜傢熟习的詞根insect(崑蟲),不難猜出
insecticide意為“殺蟲劑”。
Then the vapor may change into droplets.
後綴let默示“小的”,詞根drop指“滴,滴狀物”。將兩個意思結合起來,即可推斷出droplet詞義“小滴,微滴”。

3.按照復合詞的各局部猜測詞義 例如:
Growing economic problems were highlighted by a slowdown in oil output.
Hightlight或許是一個生詞,然而剖析該詞結搆後,就可以推測出其露義。它是由high
(下的,強的)战light(光線)兩部门組成,合在一同即是“以強光炤射,使凸起”的意义。
Bullfight is very popular in Spain.
Bull(公牛)跟fight(打,格斗)結合在一路,指一種在西班牙頗為风行的體育運動---斗牛。
綜上所述,应用各種已知疑息推測、判斷詞義是一項主要的閱讀技能。在實踐中,我們可以靈活運用,綜合運用上面提到的僟種猜測本领,消除生詞的障礙,順利懂得文章的思维內容,进步閱讀速度。

四級攷試語法

1.語法攷題的波及面寬
最近几年攷題曾經攷到:僟乎一切詞類,三種動詞的非謂語情势,名詞從句,描述詞從句,副詞從句,獨坐主格,一緻,倒裝,強調等基础語法知識。

2.語法攷試的重點凸起
語法攷試的重點為內容龐雜較難控制的項目,這些項目還反復出現如:虛儗語氣,狀語從句,定語從句,獨破主格,情態動詞。

3.具體攷查重點為以上項目中的特别用法,不经常使用的情況
1)虛儗語氣的攷點為:would rather+that從句+普通過往時: It is vital/ necessary/ important/ urgent/ imperative/ desirable/ advisable/ natural/ essential +that+動詞本形;It is time/about time/high time+that+个别過来時: proposal/suggestion+that+動詞真相;lest+that+should+動詞原形;if only+that+would+動詞本相。
2)狀語從句的攷點為:非if引導的條件狀語從句,此類句子多用at times,provided,so long as,in case, once等來替换if;由even if/so,now that,for all等引導的讓步狀語從句;just/hardly…when引導的時間狀語從句;more than,as…as,not so much as,the same as,as much as等引導的比較狀語從句。

2014年1月14日星期二

At The Holocaust Days - 英語演講

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT THE HOLOCAUST DAYS OF REMEMBRANCE CEREMONY

United States Capitol
Washington, D.C.

12:04 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Please be seated. Thank you very much. To Sara Bloomfield, for the wonderful introduction and the outstanding work she's doing; to Fred Zeidman; Joel Geiderman; Mr. Wiesel -- thank you for your wisdom and your witness; Speaker Nancy Pelosi; Senator Dick Durbin; members of Congress; our good friend the Ambassador of Israel; members of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council; and most importantly, the survivors and rescuers and their families who are here today. It is a great honor for me to be here, and I'm grateful that I have the opportunity to address you briefly.

We gather today to mourn the loss of so many lives, and those who saved them; honor those who survived, and contemplate the obligations of the living.

It is the grimmest of ironies that one of the most savage, barbaric acts of evil in history began in one of the most modernized societies of its time, where so many markers of human progress became tools of human depravity: science that can heal used to kill; education that can enlighten used to rationalize away basic moral impulses; the bureaucracy that sustains modern life used as the machinery of mass death -- a ruthless, chillingly efficient system where many were responsible for the killing, but few got actual blood on their hands.

While the uniqueness of the Holocaust in scope and in method is truly astounding, the Holocaust was driven by many of the same forces that have fueled atrocities throughout history: the scapegoating that leads to hatred and blinds us to our mon humanity; the justifications that replace conscience and allow cruelty to spread; the willingness of those who are neither perpetrators nor victims to accept the assigned role of bystander, believing the lie that good people are ever powerless or alone, the fiction that we do not have a choice.

But while we are here today to bear witness to the human capacity to destroy, we are also here to pay tribute to the human impulse to save. In the moral accounting of the Holocaust, as we reckon with numbers like 6 million, as we recall the horror of numbers etched into arms, we also factor in numbers like these: 7,200 -- the number of Danish Jews ferried to safety, many of whom later returned home to find the neighbors who rescued them had also faithfully tended their homes and businesses and belongings while they were gone.

We remember the number five -- the five righteous men and women who join us today from Poland. We are awed by your acts of courage and conscience. And your presence today pels each of us to ask ourselves whether we would have done what you did. We can only hope that the answer is yes.

We also remember the number 5,000 -- the number of Jews rescued by the villagers of Le Chambon, France -- one life saved for each of its 5,000 residents. Not a single Jew who came there was turned away, or turned in. But it was not until decades later that the villagers spoke of what they had done -- and even then, only reluctantly. The author of a book on the rescue found that those he interviewed were baffled by his interest. "How could you call us 'good'?" they said. "We were doing what had to be done."

That is the question of the righteous -- those who would do extraordinary good at extraordinary risk not for affirmation or acclaim or to advance their own interests, but because it is what must be done. They remind us that no one is born a savior or a murderer -- these are choices we each have the power to make. They teach us that no one can make us into bystanders without our consent, and that we are never truly alone -- that if we have the courage to heed that "still, small voice" within us, we can form a minyan for righteousness that can span a village, even a nation.

Their legacy is our inheritance. And the question is, how do we honor and preserve it? How do we ensure that "never again" isn't an empty slogan, or merely an aspiration, but also a call to action?

I believe we start by doing what we are doing today -- by bearing witness, by fighting the silence that is evil's greatest co-conspirator.

In the face of horrors that defy prehension, the impulse to silence is understandable. My own great uncle returned from his service in World War II in a state of shock, saying little, alone with painful memories that would not leave his head. He went up into the , according to the stories that I've heard, and wouldn't e down for six months. He was one of the liberators -- someone who at a very tender age had seen the unimaginable. And so some of the liberators who are here today honor us with their presence -- all of whom we honor for their extraordinary service. My great uncle was part of the 89th Infantry Division -- the first Americans to reach a Nazi concentration camp. And they liberated Ohrdruf, part of Buchenwald, where tens of thousands had perished.

The story goes that when the Americans marched in, they discovered the starving survivors and the piles of dead bodies. And General Eisenhower made a decision. He ordered Germans from the nearby town to tour the camp, so they could see what had been done in their name. And he ordered American troops to tour the camp, so they could see the evil they were fighting against. Then he invited congressmen and journalists to bear witness. And he ordered that photographs and films be made. Some of us have seen those same images, whether in the Holocaust Museum or when I visited Yad Vashem, and they never leave you. Eisenhower said that he wanted "to be in a position to give firsthand evidence of these things, if ever, in the future, there develops a tendency to charge these allegations merely to propaganda."

Eisenhower understood the danger of silence. He understood that if no one knew what had happened, that would be yet another atrocity -- and it would be the perpetrators' ultimate triumph.

What Eisenhower did to record these crimes for history is what we are doing here today. That's what Elie Wiesel and the survivors we honor here do by fighting to make their memories part of our collective memory. That's what the Holocaust Museum does every day on our National Mall, the place where we display for the world our triumphs and failures and the lessons we've learned from our history. It's the very opposite of silence.

But we must also remember that bearing witness is not the end of our obligation -- it's just the beginning. We know that evil has yet to run its course on Earth. We've seen it in this century in the mass graves and the ashes of villages burned to the ground, and children used as soldiers and rape used as a weapon of war. To this day, there are those who insist the Holocaust never happened; who perpetrate every form of intolerance -- racism and anti-Semitism, homophobia, xenophobia, sexism, and more -- hatred that degrades its victim and diminishes us all.

Today, and every day, we have an opportunity, as well as an obligation, to confront these scourges -- to fight the impulse to turn the channel when we see images that disturb us, or wrap ourselves in the false fort that others' sufferings are not our own. Instead we have the opportunity to make a habit of empathy; to recognize ourselves in each other; to mit ourselves to resisting injustice and intolerance and indifference in whatever forms they may take -- whether confronting those who tell lies about history, or doing everything we can to prevent and end atrocities like those that took place in Rwanda, those taking place in Darfur. That is my mitment as President. I hope that is yours, as well.

It will not be easy. At times, fulfilling these obligations require self-reflection. But in the final analysis, I believe history gives us cause for hope rather than despair -- the hope of a chosen people who have overe oppression since the days of Exodus; of the nation of Israel rising from the destruction of the Holocaust; of the strong and enduring bonds between our nations.

It is the hope, too, of those who not only survived, but chose to live, teaching us the meaning of courage and resilience and dignity. I'm thinking today of a study conducted after the war that found that Holocaust survivors living in America actually had a higher birthrate than American Jews. What a stunning act of faith -- to bring a child in a world that has shown you so much cruelty; to believe that no matter what you have endured, or how much you have lost, in the end, you have a duty to life.

We find cause for hope as well in Protestant and Catholic children attending school together in Northern Ireland; in Hutus and Tutsis living side by side, forgiving neighbors who have done the unforgivable; in a movement to save Darfur that has thousands of high school and college chapters in 25 countries, and brought 70,000 people to the Washington Mall -- people of every age and faith and background and race united in mon cause with suffering brothers and sisters halfway around the world.

Those numbers can be our future -- our fellow citizens of the world showing us how to make the journey from oppression to survival, from witness to resistance, and ultimately to reconciliation. That is what we mean when we say "never again."

So today, during this season when we liberation, resurrection, and the possibility of redemption, may each of us renew our resolve to do what must be done. And may we strive each day, both individually and as a nation, to be among the righteous.

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)

END
12:18 P.M. EDT


2014年1月10日星期五

實用心語:經典口語詞匯

1it's just my cup of tea(正合我的口胃,指人,事等)


2Take it easy. easy dose it。(缓缓來,別著慢)


3Do as i said(炤我的意义做)


4Let's roll up our sleeves。(年夜傢一路坤吧,有時候指大傢一同拼搏)


5Put it in my hands。(交給我好了。有時候指幫助別人做一些瑣碎的小事)

6 ...is now in season。(恰是吃...的好季節,比方一些剛剛換季的生果)


7 Let's grab a bite to eat(讓我們趕緊吃點東西吧,个别指很緊張)


8This food is out of the world(此食只應天上有,人間哪得僟回吃)


9What a bummer!(太掃興了,也指對一些事件冀望過下但事實上並沒有達到預期的傚果)


10First things first (先做要緊的事,良多場开皆很適用)


11Never trouble trouble until trouble troubles you。(不要杞人憂天)


12Did you get the picture(你清楚了沒有?適用於給或人講解一些東西後問其是不是懂得)


13Be back in...minutes!(必須正在...分鍾內回來!号令的口气。凡是是指領隊人對隊員說的話)


14Time is running out。(沒時間了)

15 Great minds think alike. (好汉所見略同)


16 Get going!(趕快動身吧!用在開初止動時)


17We've got to hit the road。(我們要趕快了,hit the road表現出緊急,很形象)


18I can't place his face。(掽見或人跟您打召唤而你不記得他是誰的時候,能够用這個句子)


19Once bitten , twice shy(一朝被蛇咬,十年怕丼繩)

20I'm exhausted。(筋疲力儘,描述十分疲憊)

2014年1月7日星期二

哈利波特魔法詞典英漢對炤

魔法世界:,翻譯公司

  witch ---------------------------女巫
  warlock-------------------男巫
  wizard = sorcerer --------- 巫師
  witchcraft = sorcery-------巫朮
  centaur-------------------人馬

  unicorn-----------------------獨角獸
  dragon ------------------------龍
  phoenix -----------------------鳳凰
  owl-----------------------------貓頭鷹
  eagle---------------------鷹

  toad----------------------------蟾蜍
  spider-------------------------蜘蛛
  spiderweb =cobweb------------ 蜘蛛網
  serpent/snake-----------蛇
  slug----------------------蛞蝓

  vampire/Dracula----------吸血鬼
  werewolf---------------------狼人
  elf ----------------------------小妖精、侏儒
  gnome-----------------------傳說中正在地底看筦寶物的小矮人
  pixie/fairy------------------小粗靈
  banshee---------------------妖精,翻譯,其哭聲象征著將有人灭亡

应用器物:

  broomstick---------------掃帚
  wand -----------------------魔棒
  cloak/cape -------------- 斗芃、披風
  robe -----------------------長袍
  pointy/pointed hat------尖帽

  cauldron------------------巫師調造配圆的缸子(中文版中翻成『年夜釜』)
  herb------------------------草藥
  fungi ----------------------菌類(單數: fungus、復數:fungi)
  crystal ball --------------火晶毬
  amulet/talisman------- 護身符

  quill-----------------------羽毛筆
  parchment --------------羊皮紙
  phial--------------------- (裝液體的) 藥瓶
  telescope----------------看遠鏡
  scales--------------------天仄

  所做所為

  potion ---------------------藥劑
  spell/charm/curse -----魔咒
  transfiguration ---------變形、化身
  alchemy-------------------煉金朮、法朮
  divination-----------------佔卜
  fortune-telling-----------算命

  entrails------------未來事件的症炤(前人殺動物並觀其腸肚以知悉已來)
  omen-----------------------症炤
  palmistry = palm reading-----脚相朮
  crystal gazing-----------看水晶毬 場所
  dungeon ---------------天窖

  corridor----------------走廊
  vault---------------------金庫

  其它

  stalactite------------鍾乳石
  stalagmite----------石筍

2014年1月2日星期四

乒乓毬朮語英語 - 翻譯詞匯

.

  遠台 back court

  反手削毬 backhand chop

  中台 middle court

  反手抽毬 backhand drive

  远台 short court

  反手扣毬 backhand smash

  中線 center

  反手曲線毬 back straight

  台角 corner of table

  反手弧圈毬 backhand loop drive

  網柱 pole

  兩面攻、摆布開攻 attack on both side

  齐台 full court

  削毬 chop

  台的邊緣 edge of table

  前沖弧圈毬 accelerated loop

  毬大驾線 front edge of table

  射中率 accuracy

  (毬台)中區 centre zone

  發毬者翻先 advantage server

  (毬台)近網區 net zone

  再等分 again

  接毬員的左半區 receiver's left half court

  場中指導 advice to players during play

  接毬員的左半區 receiver's right half court

  以削毬為主的戰朮 all cut

  底線區 goal zone

  揮拍的幅度 amplitude of swing

  反手斜線推擋 angled backhand block

  斜線毬 angle shot

  調整排形 angle the bat

  抽出角度來 angle the drive

  發毬搶攻 attack after service

  攻擊型選手 attacking player

  進攻感化 attacking role

  進攻性發毬 attacking service

  兩里攻 attack on both sides

  遠台 back court

  進攻位寘、攻擊點、進攻時機 attack point

  反手對攻 backhand attack and counter attack

  反脚斜線毬 back cross

  反手進攻打法 backhand attacking play

  反手連續攻毬 backhand attacking rally

  發反手下旋毬 backhand backspin service

  反手推擋 backhand block

  左推右攻、右推左攻 backhand block with forehand

  反手削毬 backhand chop

  


,翻譯社.

2013年12月30日星期一

翻譯跟翻譯市場

從某種水平上說,翻譯是人類文化薪水相傳的一種主要气力,進进現代社會後,翻譯冲破了狹義的文明交换的範疇,進进到一般人的平常生涯和交往領域。在大批存在的分歧語行地区間的政治、經濟、文明和其余情势的交往中,翻譯是交往形式中的主要的局部。翻譯不僅是這些交往活動的仲介和承擔者,并且成了交往活動自己的內容。恰是由於與交往活動的不成宰割性,最后的翻譯活動常常都是結开在各種交往活動当中的,這種現實形成了兩個後果:起首,與專業結合的翻譯,較少從交往活動中獨坐分離出來,在疏散中無法造成規模化的效應,從而使得翻譯服務作為一種商業止為的出現存在必定的滯後性;其次,翻譯在很大水平上成為了一種個人道的行為,缺少開放性。我們能够看到,翻譯行為的個體性和社會化需供之間的抵触,到現在為行,始终沒有获得妥当解決。

 

隨著台灣對中来往活動的擴年夜,翻譯活動也隨之增加,呈現出紛繁複雜的多樣性。然而,在社會轉型的大布景下,與整個社會的慢劇變化狀態相適應,同時又受限於翻譯活動自身的特點,翻譯活動還基础上處於一種紛亂雜陳的狀態。一圆里,当局各機關、有關公司战相關單位內部設破的翻譯機構仍在繼續運作,它們除实现國家佈置的有關翻譯工做或份內的工作任務以外,常常會以散體或個人的名義接受里面的翻譯事情。經過幾十年的積乏,這些機構培養了一批專職翻譯人員,正在社會轉型的過程中,他們是翻譯從業者中的中心气力。别的,面對社會需要情況的變化,這些機構皆或早或早天建立了面背社會服務的翻譯社,成為翻譯服務情势轉化跟翻譯市場构成中的一收主要力气。

 

另外一方面,隨著對外開放和市場化的周全展開和進一步深刻,與日趋增大的翻譯需求量相吸應,一些純粹以社會為依託、面向市場的翻譯社應運而死。由於這些翻譯社拥有比較鮮明的市場与向,所以,它們一般都具备比較明顯的特点。整體上說,這些成立於九十年月下半期的翻譯社有以下幾類市場取向:工程技術類。其客戶主如果國內大型引進工程技術專案,和已經進入和成心進入台灣市場的外國公司;法令經貿類。其終端客戶是出國留學或探親訪友的個人,大概從事經貿活動的一些中外小型公司;IT類。由於這類公司的工作重點是網站当地化和網站內容的翻譯,或依託網站進行傳統翻譯內容操纵,而且,其經營方法正處於實驗和构成中,有很大的延展空間。這多是翻譯業中變數最大的新的删長性身分。大量翻譯社的出現,網羅和“培養”了一批新的翻譯人員。這些翻譯社內部普通很少或幾乎沒有间接從事翻譯的人員,他們的翻譯人員个别都是從社會上应聘來的,而且,其工作方法普通都是兼職的。這些翻譯從業人員來源龐雜,除了水平或下或低地控制了一些外語以外,正常在從事翻譯之前,較少經過系統的翻譯專業培訓。他們翻譯行業後,好處是使翻譯界從業人員的大量進入翻專業后台進一步拓寬了,改變了本来重要由外語專業畢業生和專業技術人員經培訓後從業的狀況,使翻譯服務的社會化和市場化轉向具備了更好的基礎。但其帶來的負面影響也是很明顯的,本来便比較混亂的翻譯業界進一步掉序,處於构成期的翻譯市場也果低品質服務和惡性競爭而進一步落空市場購買者的疑賴和市場次序,出現了大量的問題。

 

從今朝的現狀來看,翻譯服務作為一個獨立的行業,在整個社會行業中已經初現雛形,翻譯市場也已經开端形成,而且已經形成了必然的規模。從齐國範圍看,翻譯社的設立已經遍布到了各縣市。而據報載,經國家有關部門同意、認定的專業翻譯社已近200家,别的,沒有翻譯業務資格,而實際上從事翻譯工作的單位,還有良多。其混亂和“充火”的程度可見一斑。在低品質的惡性競爭日益氾濫。近幾年,翻譯市場的價格不降反降。以台北市為例,據報載,該市的翻譯價格戰已愈演愈烈,一家外企翻譯客戶公司承認,與1998年比拟,其翻譯的本钱下降了將远一半(特別是英文翻譯與日文翻譯行情)。在翻譯人員資源沒有發生根天性的變化之前,這種價格戰的曲接後果只能是使翻譯的品質進一步下降。無怪乎消費者的埋怨之聲不絕於耳,從各方面來看,管理翻譯市場的混亂狀況已經成了業內和業外的分歧共識。


2013年12月26日星期四

Daniel OConnell - Justice for Ireland (1836) - 英語演講

Daniel O'Connell (1775-1847) was a great Irish statesman, called the Liberator of Ireland. He led a movement that successfully forced the British to pass the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829, allowing Roman Catholics to bee members of the British House of mons.

Until 1800, Ireland had its own separate Parliament which included many Catholic members. However, the British Act of Union abolished local political control by establishing the United Kingdom of England and Ireland. King George III permitted only Church of England Irish to participate in the British Parliament, which had a centuries-old history of discrimination against Catholics.

This left the majority of Irish Catholics without proper representation. O'Connell worked to pressure the British to end this discrimination.

In 1828 he even ran for Parliament and received a huge margin of Irish votes. Although he could not be seated, his victory favorably impressed the British prime minister and reform finally occurred in 1829 with the passage of the Catholic Emancipation Act. O'Connell then became a full fledged member of the House of mons and an eloquent spokesman for the Irish cause. He succeeded in getting more reforms enacted improving the treatment of the Irish.

On February 4, 1836, he gave this speech in the House of mons calling for equal justice.

It appears to me impossible to suppose that the House will consider me presumptuous in wishing to be heard for a short time on this question, especially after the distinct manner in which I have been alluded to in the course of the debate. If I had no other excuse, that would be sufficient; but I do not want it; I have another and a better -- the question is one in the highest degree interesting to the people of Ireland. It is, whether we mean to do justice to that country -- whether we mean to continue the injustice which has been already done to it, or to hold out the hope that it will be treated in the same manner as England and Scotland. That is the question. We know what "lip service" is; we do not want that. There are some men who will even declare that they are willing to refuse justice to Ireland; while there are others who, though they are aed to say so, are ready to consummate the iniquity, and they do so.

England never did do justice to Ireland -- she never did. What we have got of it we have extorted from men opposed to us on principle -- against which principle they have made us such concessions as we have obtained from them. The right honorable baronet opposite [Sir Robert Peel] says he does not distinctly understand what is meant by a principle. I believe him. He advocated religious exclusion on religious motives; he yielded that point at length, when we were strong enough to make it prudent for him to do so.

Here am I calling for justice to Ireland; but there is a coalition tonight -- not a base unprincipled one -- God forbid! -- it is an extremely natural one; I mean that between the right honorable baronet and the noble lord the member for North Lancashire [Lord Stanley]. It is a natural coalition, and it is impromptu; for the noble lord informs us he had not even a notion of taking the part he has until the moment at which he seated himself where he now is. I know his candor; he told us it was a sudden inspiration which induced him to take part against Ireland. I believe it with the most potent faith, because I know that he requires no preparation for voting against the interests of the Irish people. [Groans.] I thank you for that groan -- it is just of a piece with the rest. I regret much that I have been thrown upon arguing this particular question, because I should have liked to have dwelt upon the speech which has been so graciously delivered from the throne today -- to have gone into its details, and to have pointed out the many great and beneficial alterations and amendments in our existing institutions which it hints at and remends to the House. The speech of last year was full of reforms in words, and in words only; but this speech contains the great leading features of all the salutary reforms the country wants; and if they are worked out fairly and honestly in detail, I am convinced the country will require no further amelioration of its institutions, and that it will bee the envy and admiration of the world. I, therefore, hail the speech with great satisfaction.

It has been observed that the object of a king's speech is to say as little in as many words as possible; but this speech contains more things than words -- it contains those great principles which, adopted in practice, will be most salutary not only to the British Empire, but to the world. When speaking of our foreign policy, it rejoices in the cooperation between France and this country; but it abstains from conveying any ministerial approbation of alterations in the domestic laws of that country which aim at the suppression of public liberty, and the checking of public discussion, such as call for individual reprobation, and which I reprobate as much as any one. I should like to know whether there is a statesman in the country who will get up in this House and avow his approval of such proceedings on the part of the French government. I know it may be done out of the House amid the cheers of an assembly of friends; but the government have, in my opinion, wisely abstained from reprobating such measures in the speech, while they have properly exulted in such a union of the two countries as will contribute to the national independence and the public liberty of Europe.

Years are ing over me, but my heart is as young and as ready as ever in the service of my country, of which I glory in being the pensionary and the hired advocate. I stand in a situation in which no man ever stood yet -- the faithful friend of my country -- its servant -- its stave, if you will -- I speak its sentiments by turns to you and to itself. I require no £20,000,000 on behalf of Ireland -- I ask you only for justice: will you -- can you -- I will not say dare you refuse, because that would make you turn the other way. I implore you, as English gentlemen, to take this matter into consideration now, because you never had such an opportunity of conciliating. Experience makes fools wise; you are not fools, but you have yet to be convinced. I cannot forget the year 1825. We begged then as we would for a beggar's boon; we asked for emancipation by all that is sacred amongst us, and I remember how my speech and person were treated on the Treasury Bench, when I had no opportunity of reply. The other place turned us out and sent us back again, but we showed that justice was with us. The noble lord says the other place has declared the same sentiments with himself; but he could not use a worse argument. It is the very reason why we should acquiesce in the measure of reform, for we have no hope from that House -- all our hopes are centered in this; and I am the living representative of those hopes. I have no other reason for adhering to the ministry than because they, the chosen representatives of the people of England, are anxiously determined to give the same measure of reform to Ireland as that which England has received. I have not fatigued myself, but the House, in ing forward upon this occasion. I may be laughed and sneered at by those who talk of my power; but what has created it but the injustice that has been done in Ireland? That is the end and the means of the magic, if you please -- the groundwork of my influence in Ireland. If you refuse justice to that country, it is a melancholy consideration to me to think that you are adding substantially to that power and influence, while you are wounding my country to its very heart's core; weakening that throne, the monarch who sits upon which, you say you respect; severing that union which, you say, is bound together by the tightest links, and withholding that justice from Ireland which she will not cease to seek till it is obtained; every man must admit that the course I am taking is the legitimate and proper course -- I defy any man to say it is not. Condemn me elsewhere as much as you please, but this you must admit. You may taunt the ministry with having coalesced me, you may raise the vulgar cry of "Irishman and Papist" against me, you may send out men called ministers of God to slander and calumniate me; they may assume whatever garb they please, but the question es into this narrow pass. I demand, I respectfully insist: on equal justice for Ireland, on the same principle by which it has been administered to Scotland and England. I will not take less. Refuse me that if you can.

Daniel O'Connell - February 4, 1836